The writing has been on the wall for decades. Only large helpings of ignorance, arrogance, and denial could conspire to portray an entirely rational prognosis as the irrational rantings of a doom-crying fringe. But now, as reality begins to slap us repeatedly in the face, pattern recognition is finally and rapidly sinking in. There is no averting our eyes any longer: industrial civilization is coming down.
Already the whirlwind surrounds us. Energy prices shoot up, reflecting the recent peak in global oil production and its inevitable decline. Hurricanes, droughts, and erratic weather become more frequent and intense, bringing home the consequences of climate change. Meanwhile soil and water quality continue to deteriorate, and biodiversity is crashing. The trenchant global food price crisis is the strongest indication yet that no return to business as usual can be expected. Rather, what we are encountering is the final confrontation between industrial civilization’s capitalist imperative for infinite growth and the finite resources and sinks of a single planet. No amount of financial speculation or hi-tech intervention will buy the system its way out of the inevitable crash. The time of the turning has come, and we are the generation with the dubious fortune to live and die in its throes.
Many commentators have celebrated the flowering of anarchist activities and intellectual concerns, as anti-capitalist opposition resurges all over the planet. Yet when coming to offer an international perspective on the future anarchist praxis, we face dark tidings. Anarchists and their allies are now required to project themselves into a future of growing instability and deterioration, and to re-imagine their tactics and strategies in view of the converging crises that will define the 21st century.
In this essay I take stock of the already unfolding trajectory of global capitalism’s collapse, speculate on some of its social consequences, and situate them as challenges to anarchist praxis. Clearly there is no use approaching this task from a seemingly neutral point of view, one that pretends to simply anticipate trends without going into recommendation, promotion, and encouragement. Inasmuch as an attempt is being made to envision rather than merely predict, there is room for suggesting priorities that anarchists might be encouraged to endorse in the coming years.
Collapse and Recuperation
Along with the looming threat of runaway climate change, the recent or imminent peak in global oil production marks a clear tipping point towards the collapse of a growth-driven industrial civilization. Without cheap oil there can be no commercial aviation, no monster wheat combines, no communication satellites, no new skyscrapers, and certainly not perpetual growth. Modern food systems in particular are almost entirely dependent on oil, from the manufacture of fertilizers and pesticides through the powering of irrigation systems and farm machinery and on to packaging and transport. Without cheap oil, factory farming and global trade – as well as many other systems we take for granted – will not be possible. There is no real question about the eventuality of collapse, only about its pace and consequences.
To better understand the behavior of complex systems in crisis, we can turn to Kay Summer and Harry Halpin’s recent discussion of dynamic equilibrium and phase transition. Like biological organisms and the Internet, global capitalism is a regenerating complex system, maintained in a state of dynamic rather than static equilibrium. Constant infusions of materials or energy keep the system in flux, oscillating back and forth within certain parameters, like a ball rolling in a valley – also referred to as the system’s “basin of attraction.” However,
A massive disturbance, or a tiny disturbance of just the right kind, [can] set off a positive feedback loop, to get the ball to roll right out of that valley and into another basin of attraction…these major changes, from one valley to another – known as phase transitions – are often preceded by periods of “critical instability”, during which the system is under great strain. It can lurch widely, exhibiting seemly chaotic behavior, before settling into a new, more stable, state. These periods are known as bifurcation points, because it appears that the system could go one way or another.(1)
The interesting times we are living in represent precisely such a period of critical instability. Factors like energy scarcity and climate change are pushing the system increasingly closer to the margins of its basin of attraction, with the resultant collapse representing a phase transition of the same order of magnitude as the ones that led from hunting and gathering to agriculture and, more recently, from agriculture to industrial capitalism.
To be sure, one can only take this way of thinking so far when coming to discuss the finer details of social and political developments and their significance for anarchist praxis. For one thing, thinking of a system as a whole obscures its own internal contradictions and rivalries, which will influence how the phase transition plays out socially and politically in different countries. Moreover, growing energy scarcity will likely halt and eventually reverse many of the exchanges associated with economic and cultural globalization, leading to fragmentation and a heterogeneity of post-collapse trajectories. At the risk of straining the metaphor, imagine that the rolling ball itself is made of liquid mercury, and at the point of bifurcation breaks up into several drops that flow into various interconnected basins of attraction.
How can these new political realities be described? Here one’s vision obviously becomes murkier, but it seems natural to speak of three broad options: new social orders based on freedom and equality, modified social orders based on continued unfreedom and inequality, and a breakdown of social order altogether. In other words: grassroots communism, eco-authoritarianism, or civil war.
Anarchists and their allies are already deeply involved in activities that pull towards the first basin of attraction, and I will return to them later in the discussion. However, for the moment I would like to spend a little more time on the second basin of attraction. The anticipation of establishment responses to collapse is crucial if anarchists and their allies are to remain ahead of the game, rather than merely reactive; hierarchical institutions are already reconditioning themselves to govern collapse.
In this context, recuperation remains a central strategy for preserving the hegemony of hierarchical social institutions. Recuperation is the process whereby capitalist society defuses material or cultural threats to itself by re-coding and absorbing them into its own logic.(2)
Today, the environmental agenda itself is being subject to a massive campaign of this sort. On the surface, we are finally seeing environmental issues enjoying a prominent place in the mainstream discourses of Western publics. Yet increased awareness to climate change and peak oil, as well as to the excesses that have created the perpetual crisis, are accompanied by a wholesale erasure of the radical conclusions that environmental movements have attached to their warnings. Since the 1960s, environmental activists and writers have emphasized a) the essential contradiction between ecological stability and incessant growth, b) the ideological connection between anthropocentric dominion over nature and the exploitative relations between genders and classes, and c) the need for equality and decentralization as part of any genuinely sustainable society. In contrast, political and business elites have so far been rather successful in promoting a strategy that frames the issues as technical and managerial rather than social, and promotes technological innovation and managed markets in an attempt to manufacture enough stability to keep the system running. Thus we are witnessing:
• The normalization of environmental and resource crisis, with floods, extinctions, and shortages packaged as an acceptable facet of contemporary life.
• The commodification of the atmosphere, as marketable debt mechanisms are introduced to regulate the emissions of pollutants and greenhouse gasses.(3)
• The re-branding of nuclear energy as a“clean alternative” to fossil fuels, unbelievably reversing its status as a hallmark of destruction(4) with similar efforts underway to integrate genetic engineering into “sustainable agriculture” and land management.(5)
• The absorption of ecological consciousness into consumer culture via new organic food and clothing markets, “green shopping malls,” and the personal carbon offsetting industry.(6)
• A shift in international policy from the promotion of “sustainable development” to an agenda of mitigation, risk management, and damage control.(7)
Perhaps the clearest outward indication of the elite strategy of recuperation is the transformed function of the Group of Eight (G8) summits in response to the yearly rituals of demonstration and disruption. As the writers of the Turbulence group observe,
The G8 reinvented itself…[it] became a mediacircus that presents itself as the only forum that can deal with global concerns. In other words, as the G8 came under attack, its very purpose became the relegitimation of its global authority. And it learnt its lessons well. At Gleneagles, a big NGO operation sponsored by the UK government saw 300,000 people turn out, not to demonstrate against the G8, but to welcome and “lobby” it in favour of debt relief and aid for Africa…in Heiligendamm…the G8 had once again moved on, now seeking to draw legitimacy by seeming to respond to widespread concern about climate change.(8)
All of these processes clearly illustrate an attempt to re-code environmental challenges as opportunities for capitalism, through the creation of new markets and instruments of global governance.Yet such an outward greening of capitalist accumulation will only further exacerbate inequalities, create new enclosures, and impose regimes of austerity on the poor even as business elites cash in on the benefits.
Yet capitalism can only go so far in delaying its confrontation with the objective limits to its growth. Thus the ultimate goal of these recuperative strategies is to buy time, prolonging the period of manageable crisis so as to allow hierarchical institutions to adapt away from capitalism. While dwindling energy resources will inevitably require a transition to more local and labor-intensive forms of production, this transition can also be an elite-driven process. Such a process would aim at the creation of post-capitalist models of alienated production which, while appropriate for a declining resource base, continue to harness human productive power to arrangements of economic imprisonment. If successful in the long run, such a strategy may usher in new forms of feudalism in which labor is at least partly decommodified and replaced by serfdom – while armed elites retain privileged access to the fruits of a dwindling resource base.(9)
Since this strategy of recuperation can only go so far (not least so because the accumulated experience in anti-capitalist social movements allows them to see through it), its companion strategy – repression – will also remain at the center of establishment responses to collapse. It is in this context that postmodern
forms of authoritarian governance continue to be refined – from electronic surveillance and genetic profiling to the growing power of private security firms and on to the planned consolidation of NATO and the “European security architecture.”(10) The continuing development of innovations in social control is taking place not only in anticipation of potential geopolitical threats – from resource wars to mass migrations of environmental refugees – but also as a bulwark against domestic dissent, as self-organized grassroots alternatives based on community and mutual aid continue to proliferate against the elite strategy of containment and managed devolution.
Consequences for Praxis
What is the significance of these developments for the future of anarchist praxis? In order to answer this question, we may classify the myriad actions and projects that anarchists undertake under three broad categories: delegitimation, direct action (both destructive and creative), and networking. While these categories are not mutually exclusive – a particular instance of anarchist praxis can fall into more than one of them – they do offer useful rubrics for organizing the discussion. In considering each category of praxis in relation to the discussion above, attention is drawn to a number of relevant priorities in each.
Delegitimation refers to anarchist interventions in verbal or symbolic public discourse, whose message is to deny the basic legitimacy of dominant social institutions and eat away at the premises of representative politics, class society, patriarchy, and so on. Unlike protests, which tend to be directed against particular sets of policies and geared to making demands on government and industry to change their behavior, messages of delegitimation are directed against the very existence of hierarchical institutions and, implicitly or explicitly, call for their abolition. Anarchist participation in actions against the World Trade Organization or the International Monetary Fund went beyond demanding change in these institutions’ policies, using the protests as an opportunity to delegitimate capitalism itself. Similarly, anarchist involvement against the Iraq war tended to go beyond highlighting the Bush administration’s contravention of international law or its dubious justifications for
invasion, focusing rather on the war’s contribution to capitalist expansion, to the stifling of dissent, and to the “health of the state” more generally.
In the context of anarchist politics in the age of collapse, delegitimation will continue to be a crucial element – increasingly so as a countermeasure to capital’s efforts to absorb the converging crises of the 21st century. This has to do not only with the recasting of environmental challenges as market opportunities for those capable of taking advantage of them, but also – and perhaps more importantly – with their deployment as an instrument of social fear. In line with the decline of the welfare state and its functions over the past decades, governments can no longer base their legitimacy on promises of welfare, education, or health. Rather, their self-justification increasingly hinges on their promises to protect their citizens from drummed-up menaces, ranging from terrorism to juvenile delinquency. Climate, energy, and food crises can easily become a new weapon in this arsenal. As long as the alarmist talk is not backed up by any form of action that would jeopardize the existing structure of wealth and power, environmental threats are convenient ways to keep the public scared and dependent on established institutions.
Against the campaign of induced collective amnesia intended to detach environmental and social chaos from the capitalist system that created them, anarchists and their allies would be drawn to put forward the clear message that the same social forces and structures responsible for this mess should not be trusted to get us out of it. Such a task will increase in difficulty the more Western governments move in an ostensibly environmentalist and socially progressive direction, as is likely to be the case in the United States and a number of European countries in the coming years. Yet the strength of anarchist perspectives is in their ability to put forward basic critiques that unmask such developments as the time-buying strategies that they are.
In this context, the obverse possibility should also be considered – that rather than an outwardly progressive turn, the effects of collapse will in some countries encourage the rise of eco-fascism. This term refers to the already extant efforts of parties and organizations on the far right to put an ecological veneer on their authoritarian and racist agendas.(11) This includes, for example, using arguments about ecological carrying capacity to justify curbs on immigration, or the twisted incorporation of the spiritual and counter-enlightenment content of radical environmentalism into an ideology of integral nationalism (recall German National Socialism’s celebration of a mystical connection between the German people and its soil). Eco-fascism is an especially dangerous enemy because it often presents itself as an enemy of multinational capitalism, though in the final analysis it is parasitical upon it.(12) Anarchists are already at the forefront of resistance to far right forces in Europe and North America, and almost alone when it comes to confronting them in the streets. No doubt this aspect of activity will remain a strong priority, now with increased dedication to pre-empting the far right’s attempts to take advantage of growing instability and dissatisfaction.
This leads us directly to the central area of anarchist praxis – direct action. This term refers to action without intermediaries, whereby an individual or a group uses their own power and resources to change reality, according to their own desires. Anarchists understand direct action as a matter of taking social change into one’s own hands, by intervening directly in a situation rather than appealing to an external agent (typically a government) for its rectification. Most commonly, direct action is viewed under its preventive or destructive guise. If people object, for instance, to the clear-cutting of a forest, then taking direct action means that rather than petitioning or engaging in a legal process, they would intervene literally to prevent the clear cutting – by chaining themselves to the trees, or pouring sugar into the gas-tanks of the bulldozers, or other acts of disruption and sabotage – their goal being to directly hinder or halt the project.
In addition to environmental defense, we can expect direct action in its destructive or preventive context to become increasingly important in the area of resistance to new technologies. Resistance to new technologies will become more and more significant as institutional responses to ecological crisis center around the irresponsible deployment of nuclear power, biotechnologies, and geo-engineering as fixes for an increasingly destabilizing ecosystem. What should be emphasized in this context is that one need not adopt a comprehensive anti-civilization perspective in order to endorse such actions. In other words, you don’t have to be a primitivist to be a Luddite.
In an age of declining fossil fuels and the climate changes perpetrated by their combustion, a new generation of nuclear power stations will almost certainly be pushed forward by government and industry. As mentioned above, the nuclear industry is already massively re-branding itself as a “clean alternative” to oil, coal, and gas, and governments are following suit. Yet nuclear power can only buy time for capitalism and Western overconsumption, at the price of virtually permanent contamination, which seems to be precisely what’s happening at Fukushima. While public campaigning and legal measures may have some success in limiting the creation of new nuclear power stations, direct action will no doubt come to the fore as such measures encounter their limitations. Anarchists and their allies will very likely have to intervene to directly hinder construction, and we may well expect a new round of anti-nuclear struggles to emerge very soon as a defining feature of anarchist praxis. This issue is already being given attention at the yearly Climate Camps, first organized in Britain and already being emulated in Germany, Australia, and the United States.(13)
The trenchant world food crisis will also likely result in an institutional push to expand the deployment of genetically modified food, ostensibly as a way of gaining higher yields, but at the price of ecosystem contamination and a further consolidation of corporate power and control over farmers’ livelihoods. Anarchist resistance to genetically modified crops already flowered in the 1990s, especially in European countries which, unlike the US, were not as rapidly swept by commercial growing. In solidarity with militant campaigns against GM crops by peasant movements in Latin America and South Asia, anarchists have played a large part in both campaigning and direct action. “Crop-busting” may well return to the fore of anarchist praxis, even as anti-GM activists promote more sustainable alternatives
Finally, nanotechnology – the direct manipulation of atoms and molecules – is increasingly entering the consciousness of activists as the latest front of technological assault on society and the biosphere. Taking advantage of property changes that occur when substances are reduced to nano-scale dimensions, a host of novel products incorporating them are already on the market.(14) Nanotechnologies are not only an enabling technology that enhances corporate power in all sectors, but also a platform for the potential convergence of biotechnology, computing, and neuroscience as the life/non-life barrier is broken on the atomic scale.
More immediately, initiatives enabled by nanotechnology are among those being forwarded as part of the looming menace of geo-engineering – the intentional, large-scale manipulation of planetary systems to bring about environmental change, particularly to counteract the undesired side effects of other human activities.(15) Among the many proposals currently being discussed are “fertilizing the oceans” with iron nanoparticles to increase phytoplankton blooms that sequester CO2, utilizing nano-engineered membranes to store compressed CO2 in abandoned mines, active oil wells, and sub-oceanic caverns, and blasting sulfate-based aerosols into the stratosphere to deflect sunlight.
Efforts to counter these measures through international law are already taking place. The signatory governments of the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), for example, were successfully lobbied in mid- 2008 to unanimously agree on a wide-ranging “de-facto moratorium” on ocean fertilization activities. Yet these measures are limited in scope and enforceability – for example, one ocean fertilization company, Climos Inc. of San Francisco, appears to be moving full steam ahead in defiance of international consensus. Hence, direct action may become the only way to prevent dangerous gambling with the stability of planetary systems, the result of the same logic that has already destabilized them to a great degree.
So much for the destructive and preventive aspect of direct action. The term, however, may also signify a constructive and creative enterprise – the self-organized generation of alternatives to capitalism on the ground. These efforts represent utopian experiments in the making, a prefigurative politics aiming to build a new world within the shell of the old. As the writers of the Emergency Exit Collective point out, numerous efforts of this kind are already in existence around the planet – far wider than the efforts of anarchists themselves:
From new forms of direct democracy of indigenous communities like El Alto in Bolivia or self-managed factories in Paraguay, to township movements in South Africa, farming cooperatives in India, squatters’ movements in Korea, experiments in permaculture in Europe or “Islamic economics” among the urban poor in the Middle East. We have seen the development of thousands of forms of mutual aid association…[ that] share a common desire to mark a practical break with capitalism, and which, most importantly, hold out the prospect of creating new forms of planetary commons.(16)
Through the retrieval of commons, people become increasingly capable of releasing themselves from dependence on capitalism and hollowing it out from within. In the coming years, the creation of self-managed alternatives based on commons will become ever more urgent, as communities face the consequences of declining energy resources and climate change. Indeed, such practices may be our only hope for passing through collapse in a way that will result in liberatory and life-affirming social realities, rather than in nightmares of authoritarianism or wholesale destruction.
For anarchists and their allies, it will become increasingly important to be involved in building independent, sustainable alternatives and community self-sufficiency. The growing interest among anti-capitalists in Permaculture, natural building, and other aspects of practical ecology is an encouraging move in this direction. (17) Constructive direct action in this vein is especially relevant in the advanced capitalist countries, where most anarchists are located, since these are societies in which both community ties and basic skills have been thoroughly eroded. In both urban and rural projects, the combination of self-sufficiency and egalitarian social relations can amount to a powerful form of propaganda by the deed, displaying attractive models which people can implement themselves. Such models offer not only empowerment but also steps towards food and energy security, and towards independence from an increasingly precarious wage labor market with few remaining social safety nets.
This is where the final category of anarchist praxis – networking – comes to the fore. In both their destructive and constructive direct action efforts, anarchists are acting within a much broader social field and their successes will largely depend on solidarity and cooperation with constituencies outside their own core networks. In this context, the cultural logic of networking that has become a central feature of anarchist political praxis can only continue to bear fruit, as anarchists and their allies extend their ties with additional communities in struggle – from migrants and refugees to the crashing middle classes.
This does not mean that anarchists would position themselves as a vanguard that is supposed to lead the masses towards revolution, but rather that they could function as a rear guard that seeks only to encourage and protect the autonomy and grassroots orientation of emergent resistances. In the context of building a new society, this would entail subverting attempts to absorb local self-reliance into a capitalist and/or authoritarian framework and – if this is successful – defending self-managed communities as they come under various forms of marginalization and attack.
Ultimately, however, there are no guarantees. Anarchist agency will remain necessary under all conditions, even – and perhaps more so – after the collapse of global Capitalism. As Noam Chomsky argues, anarchism constitutes “an unending struggle, since progress in achieving a more just society will lead to new insight and understanding of forms of oppression that may be concealed in traditional practice and consciousness.”(18) Even under the most favorable scenario, anarchists will have to respond to the re-emergence of patterns of domination within and/or among communities, even if at a certain point they have been consciously overcome.
Eternal vigilance, to paraphrase Proudhon, will remain the price of liberty.
1 Summer, Kay and Harry Halpin (2007) “The Crazy Before the New: Complexity, critical instability and the end of capitalism”, Turbulence: Ideas for Movement 1, pp.88-93; www.turbulence.org.uk/thecrazybeforeth.html
2 cf. Situationist International (1966) “Alienation – An Examination of Several Concrete Aspects,” Internationale Situationniste 10; www.cddc.vt.edu/sionline/si/is10.html
3 Bachram, Heidi (2004) “Climate Fraud and Carbon Colonialism: The new trade in greenhouse gases,” Capitalism, Nature, Socialism 15:4; www.tni.org/archives/bachram/cns.pdf
4 Heath, Emily (2010) Nuclear expansion ‘key to combating climate change.’ Energy World, 19 Aug. www.energyinst.org/media-relations/mediacentre/
5 Dewar, James E. (2007) Perennial Polyculture Farming: Seeds of Another Agricultural Revolution? (report) (Santa Monica, CA: The RAND Corporation)
6 Monbiot, Geroge (2007) “Eco-Junk,” The Guardian (July 24); www.monbiot.com/archives/2007/07/24/eco-junk
7 Blühdorn, Ingolfur and Ian Welsh, 2007. Ecopolitics Beyond the Paradigm of Sustainability: A Conceptual Framework and Research Agenda. Environmental Politics, 16 (2), pp. 185-205.
8 Turbulence collective (2007) “Move Into the Light: Postscript to a turbulent 2007”; www.turbulence.org.uk/moveintothelight.html
9 Caffenztis, George (2008) “Terminal Reflections: Crisis, Collapse, Catastrophe, Singularity, Shock, and Apocalypse,” Journal of Aesthetics and Protest;
10 Gipfelsoli (2008) “Collapsing the European security architecture”; www.ainfos.ca/08/mar/ainfos00325.html
11 Zimmerman, Michael (1997), “Ecofascism – A threat to American environmentalism?” In R. S. Gottlieb (ed.) The Ecological Community (London: Routledge), pp. 229-254
12 Hammerquist, Don and J. Sakai (2002), Confronting Fascism: Discussion documents for a militant movement (Montreal: Kersplebedeb)
13 See www.climatecamp.org.uk
14 ETC Group (2003) The Big Down – Technologies converging on the nano scale (report); www.etcgroup.org/upload/publication/171/01/thebigdown.pdf
15 ETC Group (2007) Gambling with Gaia (report); http://www.etcgroup.org/en/materials/publications.html?pub_id=606
16 Emergency Exit Collective (2008) “The 2008 G-8 in Hokkaido, a Strategic Assessment”; auto_sol.tao.ca/node/3086
17 For a useful online gateway see www.permacultureactivist.net
18 Chomsky, Noam (1986) “The Soviet Union versus Socialism,” Our Generation 17.2; www.zmag.org/chomsky/articles/86-soviet-socialism.html of their safety. Police patrol is thus useless for crime control. Needless to say, no police department has, on the basis of this discovery, discontinued driving-around patrol (with stops for doughnuts). See also Herbert Jacob, The Frustration of Policy: Police Responses to Crime by American Cities (Boston, MA: Little, Brown & Co., 1984). 63 I recall the experience of a friend of mine, “Zack Replica” (a pseudonym), my collaborator in Dial-a-Rumor (see Bob Black, “Tales from Dial-a-Rumor,” Friendly Fire [Brooklyn, NY: Autonomedia, 1992], 71-89). Zack, who is handicapped, lived in Berkeley, California at the same time I did. Zack had been rather sympathetic to the arguments of libertarian psychiatrist Thomas S. Szasz in The Myth of Mental Illness: Foundations of a Theory of Personal Conduct (New York: Harper & Row, 1961), but one has to have doubts about a psychiatrist whose wife committed suicide. Zack had a belligerent upstairs neighbor, a paranoid schizophrenic who was threatening Zack with violence for no reason. It takes a big bad brave man to threaten somebody in a wheelchair. Zack concluded, if Thomas Szasz thinks mental illness is a myth, he should meet my upstairs neighbor! Along with a mutual friend, “Cal Crusher,” I harassed the neighbor with threatening letters from an imaginary lawyer. This was, in practice, what anarcho-leftists, in theory, call solidarity, direct action, and mutual aid – but which, in practice, they don’t practice. We practiced direct action and mutual aid. How many of my anarchist enemies can say the same? If I recall, the persecutor committed suicide.
64 Black, Behavior of Law, 124.
65 “It has often been said that the State is as intrusive as it is impotent. It makes a sickly attempt to extend itself over all sorts of things which do not belong to it, or which it grasps only by doing them violence. Thence the expenditure of energy with which the State is reproached and which is truly out of proportion to the results obtained. On the other hand, individuals are no longer subject to any other collective control but the State’s, since it is the sole organized collectivity. . . . While the State becomes inflated and hypertrophied in order to obtain a firm enough grip upon individuals, but without succeeding, the latter, without mutual relationships, tumble over one another like so many liquid molecules, encountering no central energy to retain, fix and organize them.” Emile Durkheim, Suicide: A Study in Sociology, ed. George Simpson, tr. John A. Spaulding & George Simpson (New York: The Free Press, 1951), 389.